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Sistema de Información Científica
Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina y el Caribe, España y Portugal
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
Revista Interamericana de Psicología/Interamerican Journal of Psychology - 2013, Vol. 47, Num. 2, pp. 299-312
299
ARTICULOS
Parenting in Puerto Rican
I
amilies: Mothers and
I
ather’s
V
elf-
U
eported
S
ractices
Melanie M. Domenech Rodríguez
1
Utah State University, United States
Natalie Franceschi Rivera
Zulma Sella Nieves
Jahaira Félix Fermín
Institute for Psychological Research, University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras, Puerto Rico
Abstract
Little information is available on parenting practices of families living in Puerto Rico. In order
to fll this gap, 55 two-parent Families with a 6 to 11 year old child were surveyed on contextual
stressors known to impact parenting (i.e., depression, subjective economic status, parenting stress,
marital satisFaction), parenting practices (i.e., skills building, positive involvement, problem solving,
monitoring, and eFFective discipline), as well as child externalizing behavior problems. Data revealed
a sample with relatively low selF-reported stressors, high endorsement oF parenting practices, and
subclinical child externalizing behaviors. All measures were reliable, indicating potential For Future use
in Puerto Rican samples. All relationships were in the expected direction. Specifcally higher reports
on stressors were negatively related to endorsement oF eFFective parenting practices, and eFFective
parenting practices were negatively correlated to problematic scores in child outcomes. Maternal
problem solving Fully mediated the relationship between marital satisFaction and child externalizing
behaviors. Implications For Future research are provided.
Keywords
: parenting, Puerto Rican Families, young children
La crianza de los hijos en la familias puertorriqueñas: prácticas de
auto-reportadas de madres y padres
Resumen
Existe poca inFormación disponible acerca de las prácticas de crianza en Familias que viven en Puerto
Rico. Ante esta necesidad, 55 Familias con dos fguras parentales en el hogar y un/a niño/a entre 6
y 11 años de edad Fueron encuestados acerca de estresores contextuales conocidos por su impacto
en los modos de crianza (i.e., depresión, situación económica subjetiva, estrés parental, satisFacción
marital). Igualmente, Fueron encuestados acerca de las prácticas de crianza empleadas (i.e., desarrollo
de nuevas destrezas, involucramiento positivo, solución de problemas, supervisión y disciplina
eFectiva), así como de problemas de conducta externalizante presentes en los/as niños/as. Todas las
medidas Fueron confables, lo que indica el potencial uso de las mismas en Futuras investigaciones
con muestras puertorriqueñas. Todas las relaciones Fueron en la dirección esperada. Específcamente,
las altas puntuaciones en estresores se relacionaron de Forma negativa con el respaldo de prácticas
de crianza eFectivas, mientras que las prácticas de crianza eFectivas correlacionaron negativamente
con puntuaciones problemáticas en los resultados de los/as niños/as. Las destrezas de solución de
problemas en la fgura materna medió la relación entre satisFacción marital y conductas externalizante
en los/as niños/as. Se proporcionan implicaciones para investigaciones Futuras.
Palabras claves
: prácticas de crianza; Familias puertorriqueñas; niños jóvenes
1
Correspondence about this article should be addressed to De-
partment oF Psychology, Utah State University. Email: melanie.
domenech@USU.EDU
carried out across the liFespan are deeply impacted by
culture (RogoFF, 2003). Conversely, parenting practices
shape children’s social, psychological, and academic
outcomes. This impact can be observed in short-
(e.g., today’s behavior) and long-term (e.g., college
completion) outcomes. Scholars have spent consider-
able time examining parenting practices around the
Parenting is a ubiquitous activity across cultures.
General human development provides a structure
For parenting tasks and skills, and the ways those are
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
MELANIE M. DOMENECH RODRÍGUEZ, NATALIE FRANCESCHI RIVERA,
ZULMA SELLA NIEVES & JAHAIRA FÉLIX FERMÍN
300
ARTICULOS
globe and trying to determine which practices lead
to optimal outcomes. At present there is a robust lit-
erature that recognizes the utility of evidence-based
interventions to improve parenting practices, which
in turn impact children’s academic difFculties, mental
health, delinquency, and drug abuse (e.g., DeGarmo &
±orgatch, 2005; Niemeyer, Wong, Westerhaus, 2009;
Reid, Eddy, ±etrow, & Stoolmiller, 1999; Stormshak,
Bierman, McMahon, & Lengua, 2000).
With increasing globalization, evidence-based par-
enting interventions are being disseminated across
national contexts (e.g., ±orgatch & Patterson, 2010;
±orgatch, Patterson, & Gewirtz, in press; Kumpfer,
Pinyuchon, de Mello, & Whiteside, 2008; Phillips,
Morgan, Cawthorne, & Barnett, 2008). These inter-
ventions have been developed based on research with
mostly White American families and fully taking
into account their sociocultural context. There was
historically limited research on the effectiveness of
these interventions across cultural groups within and
outside the U.S. and ample warnings have been issued
to consider psychotherapy as one of many culturally
based healing practices (Wampold, 2001). However,
recent research suggests the effectiveness of culturally
adapted evidence-based interventions (Benish, Quin-
tana, & Wampold, 2011; Smith, Domenech Rodríguez,
& Bernal, 2011). In order to culturally adapt evidence-
based interventions, myriad models are available
to inform the areas in need of tailoring (Domenech
Rodríguez & Bernal, 2012a). The observations needed
to inform cultural adaptations require an integration
of qualitative and quantitative data in local contexts
that can inform the intervention itself as well as the
acceptability of interventions into diverse contexts
(Domenech Rodríguez & Bernal, 2012b). The pres-
ent research provides data on self-reported parenting
practices in Puerto Rican families that will help inform
cultural adaptations to an evidence-based parenting
intervention for Puerto Rican families.
Puerto Rican Context
Puerto Rico is the smallest of the Greater Antilles
and is an archipelago consisting of the
Isla Grande
(big island), Vieques,
la Isla Nena
(small girl island),
Culebra, Mona, and a few smaller islands (Martínez
Avilés, 2011). Puerto Rico has a strong colonial history
and is purported to be the oldest colony in the world
by noted jurist José Trías Monge (1997). Inhabited by
indigenous groups prior to colonization, Puerto Rico
was “discovered” in 1492. At that time it became a
Spanish territory until the Spanish-American war. In
1898 Puerto Rico became a U.S. colony (Martínez
Avilés, 2011). Puerto Rico was listed in the United
Nations’ list of colonies until 1953 when the U.S. peti-
tioned to have it removed following the establishment
of the
Estado Libre Asociado
(ELA; Commonwealth
of Puerto Rico; Martínez Avilés, 2011). Since that
time Puerto Rico has remained under U.S. rule as a
non-incorporated territory. Debates have been ongoing
since 1953 on whether or not Puerto Rico should still be
considered a colony. An in-depth analysis of this debate
is beyond the scope of this manuscript, however, it is
important to direct readers to further study and analyze
colonialism and the colonial mentality in Puerto Rico
as political structures and histories may be profoundly
implicated in the psychological and social adjustment
of the people of Puerto Rico.
SpeciFc to this research, it is critical to note that in
the process of colonization, the lifeways and thought-
ways (Trimble, 2009) of the dominant group are im-
posed on a society as “right” and “true” to such a degree
as to become an indelible part of the fabric of that
society. In a perhaps perverse example, an important
battleground for Puerto Ricans’ identities has rested
on language. In 1991, then-governor Rafael Hernández
Colón signed the “Spanish only law” (New York Times,
1991). The move earned “the people of Puerto Rico”
a
Príncipe de Asturias
award, which the governor ac-
cepted in an impassioned speech (Hernández Colón,
2001). Yet it is impossible to not notice that Spanish is
the language of the previous colonizer.
It is critical to move forward carefully in examining
the meaning of family, parents, parenting, and child
rearing in a Puerto Rican context and to attempt to
understand which aspects of these constructs and their
behavioral manifestations are tied to cultural practices
without imposing U.S.-based standards for what is
“good” parenting. SigniFcant changes in parenting
practices are found even within U.S. ethnic groups (e.g.,
Domenech Rodríguez, Donovick, & Crowley, 2009).
Scholars have warned about the dangers in import-
ing models that are irrelevant to the cultural context
(Domenech Rodríguez & Bernal, 2012b; Lucca-Irizar-
ry, 1994). In that spirit this paper will present descrip-
tive data from parents’ self-reports while attempting to
disengage value judgments on these Fndings.
Puerto Ricans and Puerto Rican Families
The U.S. Census (2007-2011) population estimates
for the island re²ect over 3.7 million people living in
Puerto Rico. Most report Puerto Rico or the U.S. as
their place of birth (3.6 million; 96.9%). Only 2.8%
(
n
= 105,878) residents report foreign-born status. Most
residents speak Spanish (3.3 million, 95.4%), with a
sizeable number (2.8 million, 81.0%) that speak Eng-
lish less than “very well.” Educational attainment for
those over 25 years of age (2.4 million) is non-normally
distributed with most persons reporting a high school
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
301
ARTICULOS
PARENTING IN PUERTO RICAN FAMILIES: MOTHERS AND FATHER’S SELF-REPORTED PRACTICES
education (622,037, 25.5%), yet a sizeable number also
reporting less than 9th grade (507,457; 20.8%), some
college or an associate’s degree (515,016; 21.1%) and
college or graduate studies (535,157; 22.0%).
The U.S. Census (2007-2011) counted over 1.2 mil-
lion households in Puerto Rico of which 73.6% were
estimated to be family households (
n
= 905,467). Nearly
a third of those family households reported having
at least one child under 18 (375,691; 30.5%). Fam-
ily composition was varied, with households headed
by married couples (193,224; 51.4%), single women
(150,934; 40.2%) and single men (31,533; 8.4%). In
addition, 118,353 grandparents reported living with
grandchildren under 18. Fully 47.3% (
n
= 56,044) of
those reported being primarily responsible for their
grandchildren. It is unclear from these census data
whether grandparent-led households overlap with what
the Census calls “family households.” Potentially all
the grandparents live in homes where there are three
generations. It is also possible, if these households are
counted separately, that a grandparent-led households
represent another sizeable portion in the diverse array
of family structures. Furthermore, the census does not
offer an option for unmarried cohabiting partners. It
is impossible to ascertain if those families are found
under “single mothers” or “married couples.” These
data are critical as they point to who may bene±t from
parenting interventions and what contexts may require
adaptation of evidence-based practices.
Parenting and Child Outcomes in Puerto Rican
Families
Surprisingly little is known about Puerto Rican
parents’ parenting practices or even child outcomes. In
the parenting domain, there is little research on nor-
mative practices or interventions in published journal
articles or book chapters. It is possible that there is
information available in unpublished theses and dis-
sertations and that there is merely an issue of access.
It is also possible that some of the missing information
in the literature on Puerto Rican parents is a function
of confusion over operational de±nitions of the fam-
ily, parenting, and an absence in clarity about the unit
of analysis in examining “parenting” in relation to
child outcomes. Indeed, the word “parenting” does not
exist in Spanish but rather parents and experts alike
use the term “crianza” (child rearing) to talk about the
caregiver practices that are typically examined under
the parenting concept in the U.S. In Mexico, our re-
search team coined the term “parentalidad” to refer
to parenting but it is not in mainstream use. None-
theless, two empirical pieces are critical to the
current effort (Lucca-Irizarry, 1994; Lucca-Irizarry &
Pacheco, 1989).
Presenting on a decade of research on parenting,
Lucca-Irizarry (1994) published ethnographic data on
diverse samples of Puerto Rican parents, namely, low-
income parents in a ±shing village (
n
= 59), suburban
upper-middle-class parents (
n
= 50), and low-income
parents in an urban community (
n
= 30). These data
were collected cross-sectionally and highlight the im-
portance of understanding parenting agents and parent
-
ing practices within neighborhood contexts. Findings
suggest that parents across areas shift their expectations
according to the developmental level of the child. In
each community parents had clear ideas of what to
expect from their children and who were the relevant
socialization agents. Low-income urban parents were
most concerned with controlling their children whereas
upper-middle class suburban parents expected obedi-
ence, respect, and dependence on adults. Finally, low-
income parents in a ±shing village had more nuanced
developmental observations, shifting expectations for
0-1, 1-2, 3-5, 6-8, 9-11, 12-14, 15-17, and 18-20 year
olds. These parents showed a strong shift between the
expectations of the under 6 children as playful and
funny to more culturally-based expectations for those
over 6 to be disciplined, obedient, responsible, respect-
ful, peaceful, studious, hard working, well behaved,
and humble. Although parents’ expectations for their
children and their parenting role vary across communi-
ties, there were also notable similarities.
For parenting practices to be de±ned as “cultural”
they must be transmitted through generations. Lucca-
Irizarry and Pacheco (1989), offer findings from
an examination the parenting practices of young
Puerto Rican mothers (
n
= 84,
M
age
= 30.5) and their
mothers (hereafter referred to as “grandmothers”;
n = 84,
M
age
= 55.6). The authors found some genera-
tional differences. For example, mothers were more
likely to be employed than grandmothers (35% versus
19%) and were less likely than grandmothers to report
being solely responsible for childrearing (56% versus
71.4%). Grandmothers had more children than mothers
(
M
= 3.8 versus 2.1). When asked to de±ne parenting,
both grandmothers and mothers did so in behavioral
terms. The authors then categorized responses into
the following three domains: teaching, providing, and
caring. Lucca-Irizarry and Pacheco (1989) clustered
responses into these three domains and placed partici-
pants into one of three categories following their pre-
dominant de±nition. There were no signi±cant differ-
ences between grandmothers and mothers across these
groups, with a majority de±ning parenting as caring
(55.1% and 66.2% respectively), followed by teaching
(34.7% and 28.3%), and ±nally, providing (10.2% and
5.7% respectively). Both agreed that different parent-
ing practices were required for raising boys and girls
(81.7% grandmothers; 69.6% mothers).
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
MELANIE M. DOMENECH RODRÍGUEZ, NATALIE FRANCESCHI RIVERA,
ZULMA SELLA NIEVES & JAHAIRA FÉLIX FERMÍN
302
ARTICULOS
In the multi-generational study, participants reported
on aspects of good parenting and speciFc parenting
practices (Lucca-Irizarry & Pacheco, 1989). A good
mother was one that physically cared for her children,
taught socio-cultural values, led children down a “good
path” and taught them ethical/religious values. A good
father was reported to be a good provider and a good
example (i.e., models good behavior) for his children.
Three main parenting goals were reported: health,
education, and good family relationships. Participants
in this study reported learning about parenting from
their own mothers as well as their spouses. Not a single
participant reported using parenting manuals or books
to inform their parenting. Participants taught their
children mainly through the use of punishment-advice
giving (
consejo
) or modeling-advice giving.
Child outcomes.
The MECA study (Bird et al., 2001)
included a sample of 301 Puerto Rican parents from the
San Juan metropolitan area as one of four parent-child
pair samples (189 African American, 52 US-based
Latino, 668 White American). The authors found that
island Puerto Ricans had the lowest prevalence reports
of conduct disorder (4.1%), oppositional deFant disorder
(3.0%), mild (level 1; 15.9%), moderate (level 2; 6.3%),
and severe (levels 3, 4, 5; 17.6%) antisocial conduct
of any of the samples. Island Puerto Rican parents
reported the lowest levels of coercive discipline (6.6%)
of any of the groups as well as the lowest levels (31.2%)
of adverse events. When compared to the other groups,
island Puerto Rican parents reported similar family
environment, parental marital adjustment, child social
competence, and parental monitoring. However, island
Puerto Rican parents reported the strongest relationship
with family (parents, siblings) of any group.
Theoretical Orientation of the Present Study
Overall, the literature accessed re±ects little avail-
able knowledge about the parenting practices of parents
living in Puerto Rico. This knowledge is particularly
limited in providing speciFc behavioral indicators
that may be used to inform interventions to strengthen
parents and families. No studies could be located that
connected Puerto Rican parents’ parenting practices
to child outcomes. We provide speciFc information
on the parenting practices of mothers and fathers of
young children living in Puerto Rico and the relation-
ship between those practices and child outcomes.
²urthermore, the present research and its broader in-
ternational efforts (Baumann, Domenech Rodríguez,
Amador, Parra-Cardona, & ²orgatch, in press) are
built from Social Interaction Learning (SIL) theory
and its associated intervention, Parent Management
Training – Oregon model (PMTO; Patterson, ²orgatch,
& DeGarmo, 2010). The theory speciFes that child
outcomes are the direct result of caregiver’s positive
involvement, skills building, problem solving, effective
discipline, and monitoring practices. Social context,
according to SIL theory, exerts its impact on children
through its effect on caregivers’ ability to engage the
proactive parenting strategies (Patterson et al., 2010).
PMTO has been tested, conFrmed, and replicated
(²orgatch & Patterson, 2010; Patterson et al., 2010).
This intervention model has been implemented in the
U.S. across diverse family contexts (e.g., divorce, foster
care). ²urthermore, it has been successfully tested in
international settings such as Norway, Iceland, Den-
mark, and the Netherlands (e.g., Bekkema, Wiefferink,
& Mikolajczak, 2008; Odgen, ²orgatch, Askeland,
Patterson, & Bullock, 2005; Ogden, Hagen, Askeland
& Christensen, 2009; Sigmarsdóttir & Björnsdóttir,
2012; Sigmarsdóttir & Guđmundsdóttir, 2013). PMTO
has been adapted for Latinos in the U.S. and Mexico
(Baumann et al., in press; Domenech Rodríguez et al.,
2011). Recent work has provided evidence for desir-
able outcomes for ethnic minorities in the U.S. (Parra
Cardona et al., 2012) and Norway (Bjørknes, Kjøbli,
Manger, & Jakobsen, 2012).
Method
Participants
²ifty-Fve families were recruited in Puerto Rico
primarily from the San Juan metropolitan area through
local schools and the Puerto Rico Teacher’s Associa-
tion, as well as the Ponce metropolitan area, through
collaboration with the Ponce School of Medicine.
Parents completed self-report measures and partici-
pated in 33 minutes of structured observational tasks.
²amilies that participated had a paternal and maternal
Fgure in the home, a child between 6 and 11 years of
age, and an absence of severe conduct problems or
developmental delays. The present study reports on
self-report measures only.
Children in the sample were 6 to 11 years of age
(
M
age
= 7.93, SD = 1.75). Mothers were 23 to 50 years
old (
M
age
= 36.48,
SD
= 7.67) and the majority had com-
pleted an undergraduate degree (
n
= 38, 69.0%). ²athers
were 22 to 56 years old (
M
age
= 37.81,
SD
= 8.00) and
the majority had completed an undergraduate degree
or higher level of education (
n
= 29, 52.7%). Children
were mostly born in Puerto Rico (n = 52, 94.5%),
as were their mothers (
n
= 44, 80.0%) and fathers
(
n
= 47, 85.5%). In the Fnal sample, most homes were
comprised of two adults (
n
= 45, 81.8%) and one to three
children (
n
= 51, 92.7%) and 75% (
n
= 42) of parents
reported that their child had “good” or “very good”
relationship with siblings. Most families were intact
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
303
ARTICULOS
PARENTING IN PUERTO RICAN FAMILIES: MOTHERS AND FATHER’S SELF-REPORTED PRACTICES
(
n
= 40, 72.2%), that is, children were born of or adopted
by both parental Fgures in the home; the remainder
were stepfamilies.
Sampling procedures
The Fnal sample is a sample of convenience. Recruit-
ment was handled in a variety of places (e.g., public and
privates schools), via word-of-mouth, community work-
shops, ±yers, and newspaper columns (Sella-Nieves,
²ranceschi-Rivera, ²elix-²ermín, & Domenech Rodrí-
guez, 2011). Of 105 families screened, 70 qualiFed and
55 participated. Inclusion criteria were: (a) family with
a child between 6 and 11 years of age, (b) two parents
in the home, (c) absence of extremely problematic child
behaviors (e.g., Fre setting with the intention of destroy-
ing property), (d) absence of severe developmental
problems (e.g., autism, intellectual skills deFcit).
A total of 30 families were excluded from the study,
most of them because of family structure (e.g., never
married or divorced parents that were not cohabiting
with a romantic partner). Participating families at-
tended a one-time data collection session, completed
questionnaires, and participated together in a series of
behavioral observation tasks. Data were collected either
at a community clinic at the Institute for Psychological
Research, at a community clinic at the Ponce School
of Medicine, or in participant’s homes. Immediately
after participating each parent received $25 for their
participation and children received a small item from
a prize box. Parents also were invited to participate in
a free parenting workshop following the study as an
incentive for participation. Approval for this research
was obtained through the
Comité Institucional para la
Protección de Sujetos Humanos en Investigación
at the
University of Puerto Rico prior to the beginning of the
study. The Utah State University and Ponce School of
Medicine Institutional Review Boards also approved
the study.
Sample size
The Fnal sample was composed of 55 families. No
power analyses were conducted at the outset for this
pilot project. Sample size was determined based on
prior research conducted in Logan, UT, which yielded
sufFcient information to inform a cultural adaptation of
the same evidence-based intervention (see Domenech
Rodríguez et al., 2011). Post-hoc power analyses were
conducted to determine the adequacy of the sample
size to predict child outcome from parenting practices.
G*Power 3.1.3 (²aul, Erdfelder, Lang, & Buchner,
2007). Power was adequate for the main effects test
(i.e., predicting child outcome from parenting prac-
tices). The study was underpowered for mediation
analyses. ²or that reason, effect sizes were carefully
examined in addition to statistical signiFcance.
Analytic Strategy
A criticism of published family research is the
overreliance on mothers’ reports in understanding
parenting and child behaviors. We sought to address
this limitation in the literature by collecting data on
both mother and father reports on parenting as well as
child behavior. Rather than combining parental reports
into indices that create new problems for data analysis
and interpretation, the present data were analyzed
separately for mothers and fathers thus maintaining
assumptions of data independence in each series of
analyses. ²or example, in the mediation models tested,
mothers’ self-reports for contextual variables (i.e., par-
enting stress, depression, marital satisfaction, united
parenting front), parenting practices, and the mother’s
report on child behavior. Analyses pertaining to fa-
thers were conducted only utilizing those self-report
measures provided by fathers.
Measures
Self-report measures for this study included demo-
graphics (e.g., parental and child age, level of education,
national origin, subjective economic status), parental
depression, parental stress, marital satisfaction, united
parenting front, the five core parenting practices
(i.e., positive involvement, problem solving, effective
discipline, monitoring, and skills building), and child
outcomes. Parents Flled out the demographic ques-
tionnaire together but reported separately on all other
measures. All measures were administered in Spanish.
All analyses were conducted using scale means.
Subjective economic status.
An 8-item scale (Beau-
vais, 1996) was used to gather a sense of self-reported
Fnancial strain. Respondents assess their perception for
the past year on whether the family had for expenses
such as “enough money to buy food” on a scale of
always
(1) to
never
(4). Mothers and fathers answered
these questions together and the scale showed adequate
reliability for the present sample (α = .89).
Parental depression.
Mother and father’s depression
symptomatology were measured with the Center for
Epidemiological Studies Depression (CESD) scale, a
20-item scale that asks parents to report on how they
have felt over the past week on various depression
symptoms such as “I felt depressed” on a scale of 0
(
rarely or none of the time (less than 1 day)
) to 3 (
All
of the time (5-7 days)
(Radloff, 1977). Cronbach alphas
for the present sample were adequate for mothers
(α = .84) and fathers (α = .78).
Parenting stress.
Stress speciFc to parenting tasks
was measured through the Parenting Stress Index
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
MELANIE M. DOMENECH RODRÍGUEZ, NATALIE FRANCESCHI RIVERA,
ZULMA SELLA NIEVES & JAHAIRA FÉLIX FERMÍN
304
ARTICULOS
(PSI; Abidin, 1995). The PSI is a 36-item scale that
asks parents to report their agreement (1 =
strongly
agree
, 5 =
strongly disagree
) on a series of statements
such as “Since having this child, I feel that I’m almost
never able to do things I like to do.” Cronbach alphas
for the present sample were adequate for mothers
(α = .92) and fathers (α = .90).
Marital satisfaction.
This construct was measured
with the marital satisfaction subscale of the Dyadic
Adjustment Scale (Nina Estrella, 1985; Spanier, 1976).
The scale has 10 items that inquire about couple agree-
ment on key issues (e.g., trusting partner on a scale of
0 =
never
to 5 =
always
), degree of martial satisfaction
(0 =
extremely unhappy
, 6 =
perfect
), and the respon-
dent’s future visualization for the relationship (0 =
my
relationship can never succeed, and there is no more
I can do to keep the relationship going
, 5 =
I want
desperately for my relationship to succeed, and would
go to almost any length to see that it does
). Cronbach
alpha reliabilities for mothers (α = .72) and fathers
(α = .83) in the present sample were good.
United parenting front.
Self-reported united par-
enting was measured with an 18-item modiFed version
of the Co-parenting Alliance scale (Dumka, Prost, &
Barrera, 2002). The scale asks mothers and fathers to
report on the frequency with which 18 events occurred
during the past month relating to consistent parent-
ing (e.g., “I did not like the way in which my partner
treated the children”) on a 5-point scale ranging from
never
(1) to
always
(5). Cronbach alpha reliabilities for
mothers (α = .86) and fathers (α = .81) in the present
sample were good.
Core parenting practices.
The Fve core parenting
practices –positive involvement, problem solving, skills
building, effective discipline, and monitoring—target-
ed for intervention in the PMTO model were measured
via parental self-report.
Positive involvement
.
Self-reported parental involve-
ment was measure with a 10-item Likert-type scale
ranging from 1 (
never
) to 5 (
always
) and developed
for the present study and the larger PMTO Latino col-
laborative team, and partly based on a translation of
the Alabama Parenting Questionnaire (Donovick &
Domenech Rodríguez, 2008). Items asked about the
frequency with which parents engaged in positive in-
volvement with their children (e.g., had a friendly con-
versation, or take kids to fun extracurricular activities).
Mothers and fathers responded separately. Cronbach
alpha reliabilities were adequate for mothers (α = .79)
and fathers (α = .81) in the present sample.
Problem solving
.
Problem-solving skills were mea-
sured with an 18-item scale based on the original in
Spanish by Domenech Rodríguez, Villatoro Velázquez,
and Gutiérrez López (2007). The scale asks
parents
to report how frequently (1 =
never
, 5 =
always
) they
engage their children when they have a problem.
±or example, “I talk to my child about the problem.”
Scales for mothers (α = .77) and fathers (α = .83) showed
adequate reliabilities.
Effective discipline
.
An effective discipline scale
was developed based on Martinez and Eddy’s (2005)
12-item scale. In the translation and back-translation
process the research team added 6 items, for a Fnal
scale of 18 items. Scale items re²ect on known effec-
tive parenting practices based on the PMTO model
(e.g., use of Fnes, time out, and privilege removal) and
ineffective practices (e.g., screaming, pinching, not
following through on consequences). Parents reported
the frequency with which they engaged in each of
the 18 practices ranging from
never
(1) to
always
(5).
Because of the nature of the parenting practices, there
is no reliability index. Data on these practices were
reported individually.
Monitoring
.
Monitoring was measured with a 16-
item self-report scale modiFed from Martinez and Eddy
(2005). Items asked about how much parents know
(1 =
never
, 5 =
always
) about the whereabouts of their
child at home, school, and in the community. Initial
analyses revealed a problematic item (i.e., In general,
how often do you coordinate with other adults to su-
pervise your kid’s activities?), which was dropped for
both mothers and fathers. Cronbach alpha reliabilities
for the 15-item scale were adequate for mothers and
fathers (both α = .74).
Skills building
.
Self-reported skills building was
measured with a 24-item modiFed from Martinez and
Eddy (2005). The items asked parents to identify the
frequency (1 =
never
, 5 =
always
) with which they
engaged in speciFc behaviors (e.g., spent extra time)
when a child did something well or was learning a new
skill. Mothers (α = .87) and fathers (α = .89) showed
adequate reliability.
Child outcomes.
Child externalizing behaviors were
measures with the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL;
Achenbach & Rescorla, 2001). The CBCL has 118
items that describe speciFc behavioral and emotional
problems. Parents rate their child for how true each
item is now or within the past 6 months on a three-
point scale that ranges from 0 (
not true (as far as you
know)
) to 2 (
very true or often true
). There are three
index scores for internalizing, externalizing, and total
problem behaviors. In a comprehensive analysis across
multiple cultures, Crijnen, Achenbach, and Verhulst
(1997, 1999) compared the CBCL scores of some 14,000
children from 12 cultures. Although there were some
signiFcant cross-cultural differences, CBCL scale
scores from most cultures were remarkably close to
the “omnicultural mean” obtained by averaging scores
from all the cultures.
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Results
The purpose of this study was to gather informa-
tion about normative parenting practices in a sample
of two-parent families with a child between 6 and 11
years of age in Puerto Rico. We Frst report on family
characteristics, including subjective economic status.
We then report on parent variables, namely, parental
mental health (depression, parenting stress), united
parenting front, marital satisfaction, and self-reported
parenting practices. We follow parent-focused variables
with parents’ report on child behavior. ±inally, we re-
port on the relationship between self-reported parenting
practices and child outcomes.
Family Characteristics
Subjective economic status.
Parents were asked to
report on subjective economic status through a scale
and some key items. ±amilies in the sample appeared to
have some economic diversity. On the 8-item subjective
economic status scale (Beauvais, 1996) mean responses
varied from 1 to 3.38 (
M
SES
=
1.65,
SD
=
.64) with
lower scores indicating minimal Fnancial strain. This
would suggest a relatively solvent sample. However,
when asked “how often are there discussions / argu-
ments because we don’t have enough money,” 54.5%
(
n
= 30) of the sample reported
sometimes
. Other items
suggested there families lived within modest means. In
the sample 32.1% (
n
= 18) of children had access to a
government sponsored health program and over half of
the sample (
n
= 32, 58.2%) attended a public school.
These numbers are slightly different from the general
population as 76.8% of kindergarteners through eight
graders in 2009-2010 were enrolled in public schools
in Puerto Rico (Disdier ±lores & Marazzi Santiago,
2011). In about a third of the sample (
n
= 19, 34.6%)
two adults contributed income to the family, and in 10.9
(
n
= 6) of families neither adult worked. The overall
picture that emerges is that of a sample where there is
sufFcient money to meet basic needs.
Parent Variables
All means, standard deviations, and scale ranges for
these measures are reported in table 1.
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations for Study Scales
Mothers
±athers
N
M
SD
N
M
SD
Scale
Range
Sample
Range
Parent Variables
Parenting Stress
55
4.06
0.60
53
4.09
0.50
1 - 5
2.44 – 5.00
Parental Depression
55
0.47
0.38
55
0.46
0.36
0 - 3
0.00 – 1.84
Parental Dep. Sum
55
9.35
7.39
55
8.96
7.01
0 - 60
0.00 – 35.00
United Parenting ±ront
55
3.82
0.39
55
3.90
0.29
1 - 5
2.56 – 4.53
Marital Satisfaction
47
4.07
0.60
47
4.15
0.49
1 – 5
2.50 – 5.00
Parenting Practices
Positive involvement
55
4.35
0.51
55
3.90
0.61
1 - 5
2.30 – 5.00
Problem solving
55
3.95
0.41
55
3.92
0.53
1 - 5
2.44 – 4.67
Skills building
55
4.06
0.46
55
3.94
0.47
1 - 5
2.50 – 5.00
Monitoring
55
4.41
0.31
55
4.26
0.36
1 - 5
3.21 – 4.79
Child outcomes
Child externalizing
54
57.54
10.36
54
55.59
8.95
1 – 100
33 – 76
Child internalizing
54
54.72
10.72
54
53.39
8.59
1 – 100
33 – 74
Child total
54
56.87
10.41
54
54.83
9.04
1 – 100
34 – 75
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ZULMA SELLA NIEVES & JAHAIRA FÉLIX FERMÍN
306
ARTICULOS
Table 2
Correlation Between Parenting Practices: Mothers Below and Fathers Above the Diagonal
1.
2.
3.
4.
1. Positive Involvement
--
.504***
.406**
.576***
2. Skills Building
.589***
--
.546***
.533***
3. Problem Solving
.530***
.600***
--
.480***
4. Monitoring
.526***
.351**
.454**
--
** p < .01, *** p < .001
Parent mental health.
Mothers and fathers self-
reported on depressive symptomatology and parental
stress. Parents reported low levels of depression.
There were no signiFcant differences between groups,
t
(108) = .245,
p
= .807. The CES-D has a published
cutoff score of 16. This number is similar to CES-D
cutoff in a Puerto Rican sample (Bernal & Bonilla,
2003). Ten mothers (18%) and seven fathers (12.6%)
were at score of 16 or higher. Levels of parenting stress
were also relatively low in this sample for both moth-
ers and fathers with no signiFcant differences between
the two,
t
(106) = -.330,
p
= .742. ±ully 60% of mothers
and 50.9% of fathers reported a mean at 4 (
agree
) or
higher for the parenting stress scale indicating agree-
ment with high levels of efFcacy in their role (lower
scores were indicative of stress).
United parenting front.
Parents reported me
-
dium to high levels of united front. There were no
statistically signiFcant differences between the two,
t
(108) = -1.22, p = .227.
Parental marital satisfaction.
Parents showed
agreement on their reports of marital satisfaction,
r
(55) = .286,
p
= .035. They reported relatively strong
satisfaction. There were no signiFcant mean differences
between the two,
t
(92) = -0.72,
p
= .475.
Parenting practices.
All parenting practices were
reported on scales from 1 to 5 with greater values
indicating higher endorsement of the practice. Moth-
ers reported statistically signiFcant higher levels of
monitoring,
t
(108) = 2.32,
p
= .022, and positive in-
volvement,
t
(108) = 4.14,
p
< .001, than fathers. There
were no signiFcant differences in mothers and fathers
reports on problem solving,
t
(108) = .376,
p
= .707, or
skills building,
t
(108) = 1.30,
p
= .197. Within mothers
and fathers, parenting practices correlated positively
as expected (see table 2).
When examining speciFc practices, we found that
80% or more of mothers endorsed the following posi-
tive involvement items as occurring “always”: I ask my
child about his or her day at school, I help my child with
schoolwork. In monitoring, we found that 80% or more
of mothers endorsed the following items as occurring
“always”: during a regular school day, I know where
my child is, during a typical weekend, I know where
my child is, and during a typical weekend, I know
who my child is with. Over 80% of fathers reported
knowing where and who their child was with during a
typical weekend, and not ever allowing the child to be
without the supervision of an adult (weekend). Nearly
all parents (
n
= 54, 96.4%) reported that their child was
never alone without the supervision of an adult.
Mothers reported being very involved with school-
work with over 80% of mothers reporting they do
not become desperate and give up when helping their
children with homework, they assign a speciFc time
and place to do homework, they accompany the child
while he or she completes homework, help when the
child gets stuck or needs to rehearse material for tests,
and prompt the child that it is time to do the work. Over
80% of mothers reported reviewing homework, provid-
ing access to educational materials, and limiting noises
and distractions during homework time. Over 80% of
fathers reported that they do not become desperate and
give up when helping their children with homework,
help child do homework, help when the child gets stuck
or needs to rehearse material for tests, prompt the child
that it is time to do the work, provide access to educa-
tional materials, and limit noises and distractions dur-
ing homework time. This level of involvement may not
be surprising when considering that overwhelmingly
(
n
= 55, 98%) parent dyads reported that their child’s
primary responsibility was “to study.”
±inally, parents reported on effective discipline
strategies. Table 3 presents information on the number
of mothers and fathers that endorsed each practice
almost always or always. A review of the data shows
that mothers have higher endorsement than fathers in
general.
T tests
were conducted to examine mean differ-
ences between mothers and fathers on each item. Of the
more frequently endorsed parenting practices, mothers
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Table 3
Specifc Discipline Practices: Parents Endorsing “Almost Always” or “Always”
Mothers
Fathers
n
%
n
%
1.
Talk with child about misbehavior and consequences
52
94.6
34
80.0
2.
Shout or scold
14
25.5
7
12.7
3.
Ask child to correct or fx problem
51
92.7
43
78.2
4.
Let child su±±er the natural consequences o±
misbehavior
13
23.6
5
9.1
5.
Give a warning ±or punishment
39
70.9
27
49.1
6.
Give pinches, pull ears or spank
2
3.6
1
1.8
7.
Follow through on punishment warnings
40
72.7
38
69.1
8.
Order your child to “stop” or give a command
(e.g., Do not run)
40
72.8
34
61.8
9.
Remove privileges
28
50.9
19
34.5
10.
Give your child a time out ±or more than 15 minutes?
13
23.6
9
16.4
11.
Withhold points ±rom an incentive chart
5
9.1
4
7.3
12.
Do nothing
3
5.4
1
1.8
13.
Give child a fne
4
7.3
4
7.3
14.
Try to discipline child but regret doing so because
it’s not going to work
1
1.8
1
1.8
15.
Give child a time out ±or less than 15 minutes
13
23.6
11
20
16.
Give child extra chores
6
10.9
5
9.1
17.
Get upset and loses control
6
10.9
0
0
18.
Ignore the behavior on purpose
0
0
0
0
reported on average talking with the child about the
misbehavior and its consequences more than ±athers,
t
(95.21) = 2.75,
p
= .007, and asking the child to correct
or fx what he or she did,
t
(108) = 2.48,
p
= .015. Mothers
reported removing privileges more o±ten on average than
±athers,
t
(107) = 2.56,
p
= .012. The di±±erences between
mothers and ±athers on “stop” commands approached
signifcance with mothers having higher means than
±athers,
t
(107) = 1.95,
p
= .054. For least ±requent be-
haviors, mothers reported higher means on engaging in
shouting or screaming,
t
(108) = 3.16,
p
= .002, letting the
child su±±er the consequences o± his or her misbehavior
(e.g., i± he/she does not use the jacket, she might get cold;
i± he/she does not do his/her homework, he/she could get
bad grades, etc.),
t
(108) =3.33,
p
= .001, and getting upset
and losing control when disciplining,
t
(103.24) = 4.18,
p
< .001. Given mothers higher involvement in presum-
ably desirable and undesirable practices, it is likely that
mothers are simply more involved in the day-to-day
discipline o± the child.
Child behavior
Overall reported child behavior was in the normal
range ±or internalizing, externalizing, and total problem
behaviors ±or both mothers and ±athers (see Table 1).
In addition to these data, parents reported that over a
quarter o± children in the sample (
n
= 15, 26.8%) had
received psychological services in the past. There was
a high degree o± correlation between mother and ±ather
internalizing (
r
= .63,
p
< .001), externalizing (
r
= .69,
p
< .001), and total (
r
= .71,
p
< .001) behavior scales.
Although a visual inspection o± means reveals than
mothers tended to score higher than ±athers, there were
no signifcant mean di±±erences between them. When
examined by clinical categories o± nonclinical (T score
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
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ZULMA SELLA NIEVES & JAHAIRA FÉLIX FERMÍN
308
ARTICULOS
less than 65), borderline (t score between 65 and 74),
and clinical (t score at or above 75), a slightly differ-
ent pattern emerges. Still the vast majority of mothers
(
n
= 40) and fathers (
n
= 47) categorize their children
in the nonclinical range. However eight mothers rated
their children as borderline or clinical whose fathers
rated them as nonclinical. The reverse was true only
for two fathers.
Data from mothers and fathers were combined to
examine the correlation between parenting practices
and externalizing child outcomes. The correlations
were all in the expected direction. Parental monitoring
was strongly negatively correlated with externalizing
scores,
r
(108) = -.362,
p
< .001, as was problem solv-
ing,
r
(108) = -.251,
p
= .009. The relationship between
externalizing behavior problems and skills building
approached signiFcance,
r
(108) = -.174,
p
= .072. The
relationship between positive involvement and exter-
nalizing problems was in the expected direction but
nonsigniFcant,
r
(108) = -.126,
p
= .194.
The CBCL captures observations from parents which
are most likely to occur in the home or when the child
is with the parents in the community. One item asked
parents to report on the child’s behavior at school. As
might be expected for normative development, nearly
half of parents in the sample (
n
= 25, 44.6%) reported that
their child had misbehaved in school in the past month.
Testing the SIL Theory
A series of multiple regression analyses were con-
ducted to check for mediation following the tenets of
SIL that parenting practices mediate the relationship
between context and child outcomes. We focused spe-
ciFcally on externalizing problem behaviors, as that is
the child outcome that the PMTO intervention targets
most directly. We conducted analyses separately for
mothers and fathers. In order to meet assumptions for
mediation (Baron & Kenny, 1986) there must be signiF-
cant correlations between predictors (context variables)
and outcomes (child externalizing behavior), and each
of those with the mediators (parenting practices). Three
mediation models were tested for mothers that met
these criteria.
Mothers.
The Frst model examined the relationship
between marital satisfaction and child externalizing
behaviors through problem solving. The Frst step was
signiFcant, R
2
= .125,
p
= .016. When problem solving
was entered in the model there was a signiFcant increase
in predictive power, R
2
change = .148,
p
= .005. In the
second step, problem solving was signiFcant (
p
= .005)
while the predictive power of marital satisfaction was
reduced to nonsigniFcance (
p
= .086). Maternal problem
solving fully mediated the relationship between marital
satisfaction and child externalizing behaviors.
The second model examined the relationship between
parenting stress and child externalizing behaviors
through problem solving. The Frst step in the regres-
sion model with maternal stress as the predictor was
signiFcant, R
2
= .489,
p
< .001. When problem solving
was entered, the second model returned an R
2
change
that was quite small in magnitude (.034) and statisti-
cally nonsigniFcant. Problem solving did not mediate
the relationship between maternal stress and child
externalizing behavior.
The third model examined the relationship between
parenting stress and child externalizing behavior with
supervision as the mediator. When maternal super-
vision was entered, the second model returned an
R
2
change that approximated signiFcance (R
2
change
= .030,
p
= .081). When the unique contribution of the
predictor and mediator were examined, the contribu-
tion of stress remained highly signiFcant (
p
< .001) yet
the contribution of supervision to the model remained
statistically signiFcant (
p
= .026). Supervision did not
mediate the relationship between maternal stress and
child externalizing behavior.
Fathers.
Only two mediation models could be tested
given the signiFcance between variable of interest
for fathers. The Frst model examined the relation-
ship between parenting stress and child externalizing
behaviors through supervision. The Frst step in the
regression model with paternal stress as the predictor
was signiFcant, R
2
= .216,
p
= .001. When supervision
was entered, the second model returned an R
2
change
that was small in magnitude (.010) and statistically non-
signiFcant (
p
= .424). The same results were found for
the model examining the relationship between martial
satisfaction and child externalizing behaviors through
supervision. The Frst step was signiFcant, R
2
= .098,
p
= .032. When supervision was entered, the second
model returned an R
2
change that was small in magni-
tude (.065) and statistically nonsigniFcant (
p
= .072).
Discussion
The purpose of this paper was to examine parenting
practices in the context of two-parent families with
children between 6 and 11 years of age living in Puerto
Rico. The current sample can be considered “norma-
tive” (or a “prevention sample”) insofar as reports of
child behavioral disturbances were relatively low. ±or
the sample, parenting indexes of context (depression,
stress) were relatively low and what are considered “ef-
fective” parenting practices were relatively high. These
Fndings are in line with what we would expect for a
prevention sample, that is, a sample where there are
no major concerns regarding child outcomes. It would
be pertinent to expand this work to include at-risk and
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clinical samples. The greater variability in child behav-
ior would presumably be also linked to more variability
in parenting practices as well as contextual stressors.
In general, we found that the parenting self-report
measures have potential for use in Puerto Rico. It is no-
table that self-report parenting measures showed good
reliability and they correlated in the expected direction
with externalizing behavior problems such that higher
endorsement of effective problem solving, monitoring,
and skills building was associated with lower external-
izing behavior problems. There is certainly room for
improvement. Qualitative research would be especially
valuable in capturing local deFnitions for each of these
constructs (e.g., monitoring) along with the breadth and
depth of behavioral indicators solidly placed within
the cultural context. With the dearth of research on
Puerto Rican families, the present study provides a
much-needed glimpse into parenting practices and their
relationship to parental stressors and child outcomes.
However, scales developed in a U.S. context (albeit
for use with Latino families) may not fully capture the
parenting practices of Puerto Rican families.
The Fnding regarding low levels of depression and
parental stress are surprising. Puerto Rico’s poverty
indicators far exceed those of the poorest states in the
U.S. mainland. Data from the Annie E. Casey ±ounda-
tion (2013) showed that 65.3% of children in San Juan
and 89.6% of children in Ponce lived in neighborhoods
with poverty rates of 30% or more. ±inancial stressors
alone should have been detected in the data. However,
while the poverty statistics seem staggering, the rest
of the map unveils fully 100% of children in 52 of 78
townships in Puerto Rico lived in neighborhoods with
poverty rates of 30% or more. By contrast, our sample
was living in areas with relatively more neighborhood
af²uence. Indeed, San Juan was among the ten
least
poor areas in the country. Parents’ reports on subjective
economic status may very well re²ect a response to a
comparative status (i.e., relative to other parents, I have
sufFcient resources) rather than absolute status (i.e., I
have few resources). ±uture research may seek expand
to parents in poorer neighborhoods. There may also be
an opportunity to examine the comparative-absolute
hypotheses. Parents with more ties to the U.S. mainland
may exercise different comparisons (e.g., to U.S. rather
than PR economic markers) resulting in differential
predictors for parenting behaviors, depression, and/or
parental stress.
Overall, a picture emerges of parents with high levels
of positive involvement, skills building, monitoring,
and problem solving skills. These parents have low
levels of parental stress and depression suggesting
they enjoy their parenting role and other dimensions of
their lives. ±uture research may focus on the possible
protections that the parent role may bring to Puerto
Rican families. In this particular sample, two parent
families may be fulFlling expectations from their
families of origin and society for (a) a heterosexual
partner, (b) a formal commitment through marriage,
and (c) procreation.
The stressors of parenting for parents in our sample
may be balanced by the rewards and satisfaction of
social approval. Indeed we heard from many parents,
mothers in particular, who wanted to participate in our
research but did not qualify because they were single
mothers. We listened to them and reassured them
that we valued them as people and as mothers. We
acknowledged their existence and their powerful role
in society. The PI is herself a divorced mother of two
and expressed her empathy to mothers on their sense
of marginalization and the tremendous challenges that
single mothers face. We unequivocally acknowledged
that research was needed with single mothers on the
island. We also explained that united parenting front
and marital satisfaction were important variables in our
research and that these required parents in a couple. We
clariFed that same-sex parents would have been wel-
come to participate as we celebrated diverse families
broadly. Research is sorely needed on parenting for
single caretakers to better understand how the Fndings
from the present research may or may not generalize to
a broader population of parents, and also to help inform
intervention efforts for single parents.
In two-parent families, our data showed few but
important differences across mothers and fathers. The
data suggested that mothers spent more time monitor-
ing and positively involved with their children. They
also had higher rates of engagement across disciplinary
activities. One possible interpretation is that mothers
spent more time parenting. Relatively low levels of
depression and parenting stress and relatively high
levels of marital satisfaction and united parenting front
may have indicated that parents were satisFed with
their division of labor. Cultural explanations are often
offered, for example, for the division of labor of men
and women. However, it also possible that measures
did not fully capture the constructs were intended to
observe. ±or example, depression is known to manifest
differently in men than women and it is possible our
measure did not fully capture the indicators that would
validly detect depression. ±athers’ direct contributions
to parenting may have also been missed by our mea-
sures. ±uture research may be useful to bring clarity to
mothers’ and fathers’ parenting practices.
As one of the primary goals for this research was
to learn information that could inform implementa-
tion of evidence-based interventions with families in
Puerto Rico, it is interesting to note that we experi-
R. Interam. Psicol. 47(2), 2013
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ARTICULOS
enced participating parents as extremely interested in
parenting workshops. Indeed, some parents expressed
more interest in the workshops than the payment for
participation. Parents repeatedly reported wanting to
“be better parents” and said that they did not feel as
though they had an innate knowledge regarding the
most effective parenting practices. Parents reported
needing support to develop effective practices to raise
their children. These reports create an interesting
contrast to Lucca-Irizarry and Pacheco’s (1989) work
where no mothers reported learning about parenting
from manuals or books. Perhaps Lucca-Irizarry and
Pacheco’s findings are tied to available resources
rather than the attitudes of mothers toward parenting
workshops or manuals. Future research may tackle
this question directly by asking parents about the ac-
ceptability of different forms of support for parenting
such as workshops, therapy groups, videotaped ma-
terials, or various written materials. Our experience
suggests that parents are seeking resources and they
perceive that none are available. A systematic consid-
eration of these questions could well inform the work of
psychologists as well as public policy leaders. Overall
the present study provides some valuable informa-
tion for family researchers in Puerto Rico to continue
to build a solid knowledge base about Puerto Rican
families can help inform research, practice, and policy.
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Received 04/25/2013
Accepted 09/10/2013
Melanie M Domenech Rodríguez.
Utah State
University, USA
Natalie Franceschi Rivera.
Institute for
Psychological Research, University of Puerto Rico,
Río Piedras, Puerto Rico
Zulma Sella Nieves.
Institute for Psychological
Research, University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras,
Puerto Rico
Jahaira Félix Fermín.
Institute for Psychological
Research, University of Puerto Rico, Río Piedras,
Puerto Rico
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